
Prepared by:
Lawrence W. Libby
Department of Food and Resource Economics
University
of Florida
Published by: North Carolina Cooperative Extension Service
Publication Number: AG-441-3
Last Electronic Revision: March 1996 (JWM)
The most compelling environmental problems of the next decade - including those relating to groundwater - will be the unintended side effects of reasonably informed people making rational choices within the boundaries defined by law and custom. Only changes in the rights and obligations of users, or in the economic and social costs of water use options, will reduce groundwater pollution. Policy is the process by which those changes are made.
There are lots of evils in the world. Flagrant affronts to prevailing standards of law and deceney are generally acknowledged as such; the perpetrators bear the scorn of society, and some are even locked up.
The far more difficult problems in a complex society are those where there is no evil intent, no deliberate intrusion on the security of others, not even outrageous stupidity - just normal, law-abiding, enlightened folks going about their daily business.
For the most part, environmental and natural resource degradation fall in this latter category. The most compelling environmental problems of the next decade, including those relating to groundwater, will be the unintended side effects of reasonably informed people making rational choices within the boundaries defined by law and custom.
Groundwater pollution problems are fundamentally institutional problems. There are physical and biological dimensions, of course, which require scientific inquiry. But the real roots of the problem - and therefore the means of reducing contamination - are institutional: the mix of incentives, rights and obligations confronting resource users. Only changes in the rights and obligations of users or the economic and social cost of water use options will reduce groundwater pollution. Policy is the process by which those changes are made.
This country's elected and appointed representatives act to create, protect or enhance the interests of people with political access. Governments generally help us deal with problems we can't handle ourselves. Conflict is the beginning point of policy change - not an aberration or malfunction in a democratic society, but a fundamental prerequisite to change Conflicts leading policy change may have any of several logical roots.
Some examples:
The waste-absorbing capacity of a groundwater aquifer is essentially there for the taking. Little incentive exists for an individual to give up income-producing or utility-producing uses of water if other users continue access and one person's reduced use has no obvious effect on water quality.
The basic incentive driving agricultural users of groundwater is the effect of water on plant and animal growth, which represents a source of income. Residuals returning to the aquifer are an unintended side effeet. Fertilizers, pesticides, fuels and other inputs have a similar income-generating purpose. Farmers make deeisions within an institutional structure designed to facilitate high-quality food production while assuring farmers an acceptable income.
Various food policies enacted over the past 60 years have influeneced farmers' choices and provided them a measure of economic protection from the vagaries of global weather patterns. The character and distribution of U.S. agriculture are influeneed significantly by these policies.
By influencing production decisions, these policies indireetly affect groundwater quality. In general, one may conclude that policies tending to increase the capital-intensity of farming - to substitute capital (in the form of applied inputs) for land and people - place groundwater at greater risk. Land set-aside programs, whether for supply control or erosion reduction, may encourage farmers to work remaining land more intensively.
When operated in conjunction with price- and income-support programs for eligible crops, the incentive for intensification is even greater. Furthermore, to the extent that such programs encourage farmers to increase planting of supported crops, they may discourage crop rotation and other mechanical means of weed and pest control in favor of more chemicals.
If the purpose of these programs is to bolster the price of farm commodities, the farmer tries to squeeze more output from remaining land to sell at the supported price. That generally means more fertilizers, pesticides and water, increasing the potential for groundwater quality problems. Little incentive exists for an individual farmer to restrict applications of inputs when the rules encourage greater intensification for that farmer's neighbors and competitors. Nitrogen fertilizer is cheap compared to the value of lost production if too little nitrogen is applied. Unless a farmer's own on-farm water supply is contaminated by on-site farm practices, the farmer would see little water quality impact from reduced chemical use.
Rules guiding access to water also influence farmer actions that may affect groundwater quality. Groundwater is essentially free to anyone who can gain physical access to it. With no regulation or price mechanism to guide allocation of water to competing users, no particular incentive exists to exereise stewardship in its use. Water is taken for granted and applied liberally, with only vague limits of "reasonable use" to guide distribution.
Solid waste management has only recently become a policy issue of national concern. We are a throw-away society in every sense of the term. The cost of adequate disposal is generally passed along to taxpayers and does not affect the price of the product that leaves the residual. Many of those residuals eventually reach groundwater, in some stage of decomposition, perhaps, but still damaging to water quality.
Increasing evidence of the hazards of sloppy waste disposal praetices has led to policy change. But these laws are highly specific to certain water sources, as in the Safe Drinking Water Act, or to potentially dangerous residuals, as in FIFRA (the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act). They do not deal comprehensively with groundwater quality management.
States have undertaken waste management programs that encourage recyeling, partly beeause there are no acceptable places left for burying waste. Still, however, there is little real incentive to shift to products with less waste or to reuse the residual of economic activity if there is clear personal cost from that action. Proper disposal is expensive for the individual and, given the nature of farm production, disposal may be more expensive for farmers than for other businesses.
The essential purpose of groundwater quality policy is to change water use behavior. For the most part, people do respond to evidence that failing to change could be painful.
Change can be instigated in several ways: 1) by adjusting the anticipated cost of an alternative (including non-monetary effects); 2) by adjusting the anticipated benefit of an alternative (again including non-monetary effects); and 3) by eliminating certain options through regulation. Policy must intervene someplace in the decision process.
A water user unwittingly imposing risk or cost on other users by permitting contamination may be forced to "internalize" that possibility through a higher cost. Taxes, penalties and defined liability make those actions less attractive than other alternatives. The right to use water remains with the individual - but the consequences change.
There are at least six different approaches to raising the cost of actions that tend to pollute:
The effect of the law on chemical use is unclear. If the additional return on inputs exceeds the tax and other rights remain unchanged, use will likely continue. But the point at which added cost exeeeds added return should come at a lower level of input.
This approch assumes that the standard selected is appropriate, If the quality standard is too high, it could further the "license to pollute" with little useful result. If it is too restrictive, it could impose an unwarranted burden on water users.
Incentives to change behavior need not be monetary. An important rationale for colleeting detailed data on groundwater pollution sources and impacts, along with the communication of results to involved parties, is to help polluters realize what they are doing to others. The concept of resource stewardship is founded on a personal value that destruction of natural systems is basically wrong.
Because of the open-aceess nature of groundwater quality, however, the "guilt" approach to changing user behavior is seldom enough. Even if one person agrees that his or her actions may hurt others, that person may be reluctant to bear personal cost if there is no assurance that other polluters will bear such cost as well. The "Why me?" syndrome is at work whenever the burden for avoiding those actions is inequitably distributed. Relying on voluntary behavioral change in response to data and education is wishful thinking in this and most other areas of policy. Education can at best be expected to generate one set of incentives that may reinforce others in accomplishing meaningful change.
Bribes are often more effective than threats. If overall system gains result from changes in individual behavior, then a little creative social bribery may be in order. Whether a penalty is more "fair" than a subsidy in accomplishing a behavioral change is a matter of opinion.
There are at least four different approaches to compensating those actions that may reduce pollution:
The most direct way to deter actions that contaminate groundwater is to declare those actions illegal. Private property entails exclusive - though not absolute - right to enjoy the services of acquired resourees. Distribution of the "bundle of rights" that defines property is a product of the policy process.
Outright purchase removes those lands from local property tax rolls and puts the public in the land managment business, both of which add to the cost of this policy approach. Public purchase of only the right to develop land important to a groundwater aquifer can be a less painful option. Land stays on the tax rolls, but its assessed value is limited by the transferred right to develop. The owner retains all remaining rights that do not pollute the groundwater.
Various other techniques exist by which rights or options available to individual owners or businesses may be redefined in the interest of protecting groundwater. The key distinction between restrictions on property rights and other measures is that action is assured. Reliance on manipulating the enlightened self-interest of individuals whose actions may affect water quality is not required.
Effective, supportable groundwater protection policies are emerging at every level throughout the United States. They are not coming fast enough for some, and success is elusive. But there is nothing insummountable in these groundwater problems - few profound absolutes standing in the way of progress. Quality can be protected or improved with signifieant changes in the ways we use groundwater - changes possible only through reasoned public policy.
The unedited version of the paper on which this leaflet is based appears in the March-April 1990 issue (Volume 45, Number 2) of the Journal of Soil and Water Conservation.
"Managing Agricultural Contamination of Groundwater: State Strategies." 1989. Sandra Batie and Penelope Diebel. Department of Agrieultural Eeonomies, Virginia Polyteehnie Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia.
Local Groundwater Protection. 1984. Frank DiNovo and Art Jaffe. American Planning Association, Chicago, Illinois.
Charles Abdalla, Penn State University
David Allee, Cornell University
Leon Danielson, North Carolina State University
Distributed in furtherance of the Acts of Congress of May 8 and June 30, 1914. Employment and program opportunities are offered to all people regardless of race, color, national origin, sex, age, or disability. North Carolina State University, North Carolina A&T State University, U.S. Department of Agriculture, and local governments cooperating.
AG 441-3